理解中国的城市区域化:珠江三角洲的空间结构、功能与制度空间的关系

Understanding China’s city-regionalization: spatial structure and relationships between functional and institutional spaces in the Pearl River Delta

The intensified city-regionalization, exemplified concretely as the rise of city-regions
across the world, has invoked much heated discussion with regard to an enormously wide range of facets, inter alias, its historical evolution, spatial geometry, and policy implications on different geographical scales (Scott & Storper, 2003). The rise of city-regions is accredited to two basic and parallel shifts, independent but closely related. One is the spatial re-organization of post-Fordist production and consumption worldwide (Scott, 2001), leading to the dispersion internationally but the re-agglomeration regionally. And the other is the re-orientation of developmental agendas initiated by a wide set of geopolitical forces (Brenner, 2003; Jonas & Moisio, 2018; Ward & Jonas, 2004),either top-down or bottom-up.

城市区域化的加剧，具体表现为城市区域在世界范围内的崛起，引发了关于其在不同地理尺度上的历史演变、空间几何和政策含义等多方面的热烈讨论(Scott & Storper, 2003)。城市地区的兴起可以归结为两个基本的平行的转变，它们相互独立却又紧密相连。一是后福特主义生产和消费在世界范围内的空间重新组织(Scott, 2001)，导致了国际上的分散而区域上的重新聚集。另一个是由一系列地缘政治力量发起的发展议程的重新定位（Brenner, 2003; Jonas & Moisio, 2018; Ward & Jonas, 2004），自上而下或自下而上。

Against the backdrop of China, multiple geopolitical forces also lie under city-regional development across variegated geographic sites. In the wake of spatial policies of Special Economic Zones andCoastal Open Portsin the 1980s, thefirst wave of city-regionalization in China has been set in motion, owing in large to the outburst of urban growth. This process has given rise to the rapid emergence of, though at their very embryonic stages, three critical city-regions: the Pearl River Delta (PRD), the Yangtze River Delta, and the Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei city-region. Since the 1990s, these city-regions have functioned not only as the powerhouse of the national economy but as the fundamental pillars incessantly shaping the macroeconomic landscape. Currently, city-regions have reaf-firmed its importance in political agendas that aim to address the negative externality of over-concentration and urban entrepreneurialism by means of unleashing a new surge in city-regionalization (Wu, 2016).

在中国的背景下，多种地缘政治力量也存在于城市区域发展之下，分布在不同的地理位置。20世纪80年代，随着经济特区和沿海开放港口的空间政策，中国的第一波城市区域化浪潮已经开始，这在很大程度上是由于城市增长的爆发。这一过程导致了珠江三角洲、长江三角洲和京津冀城市群的迅速崛起，尽管它们还处于萌芽阶段。自20世纪90年代以来，这些城市地区不仅是国民经济的发动机，而且是不断塑造宏观经济格局的基本支柱。目前，城市区域已经重申了其在政治议程中的重要性，这些议程旨在通过释放新的城市区域化浪潮来解决过度集中和城市创业主义的负面外部性(Wu, 2016)。

Among all the city-regions, the PRD is a vanguard over the past three decades, that advances the China’s political economy by undergoing tremendous spatial restructuring (Zhang & Sun, 2019). Initially, the PRD consisted of nine cities. Then, the new geographic modality of the Pan-PRD that integrates adjacent provinces was proposed to address trans-provincial socioeconomic disparities (Yeh & Xu, 2008; Zhang & Zhao, 2007). Last, the emergence of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area took the Hong Kong and Macao into account. Meanwhile, integration-oriented institutions and cooperation network have been rearticulated to forge regional competitiveness and coordinated development among cities; for instance, in several versions of the PRD regional plan and the construction of cross-border industrial parks. While spatial restructuring has been greatly aided by multiple integration-oriented strategies (e.g., PRD intercity railway network) and its effectiveness remains ill-defined, but is significant in the institutional implications of the PRD’s city-regionalization. Thus, the interaction between functional and institutional systems, and its policy implications in the PRD is in sore need of further investigation.

在所有的城市区域中，珠江三角洲是过去三十年来的先锋，通过巨大的空间结构调整来推进中国的政治经济(Zhang & Sun, 2019)。最初，珠江三角洲由9个城市组成。然后，提出了整合相邻省份的泛珠三角的新地理形态，以解决跨省的社会经济差异(Yeh & Xu, 2008;Zhang & Zhao, 2007)。最后，粤港澳大湾区的出现考虑到了香港和澳门。与此同时，以一体化为导向的机构和合作网络被重新设计，以打造区域竞争力和城市间的协调发展;例如，在多个版本的珠三角区域规划和跨境工业园区的建设。虽然以整合为导向的多种策略(如珠三角城际铁路网)极大地促进了空间结构的调整，但其有效性仍不明确，但在珠三角城市区域化的制度影响方面意义重大。因此，职能系统和体制系统之间的相互作用及其对珠三角的政策影响迫切需要进一步研究。

Theoretically, the “space of flow” (e.g., flows of laborers, information, and capital) has attracted substantial attention from scholars to depict city-regional spaces by network analysis (Hall, 2009). Now-voluminous literature documents the formation of a cityregions, differentiating between two dimensions. One accentuates functional (socioeconomic) space, which has been also termed as “functional urban regions” (Hall, 2009, p.804). Functional space deems the formation of city-regional space as the gradually strengthening and synthetic process of miscellaneous socioeconomic flows, such as trade, capital, and people flows, penetrating across administrative borders (Davoudi, 2008; Sohn, Reitel, & Walther, 2009). The second is institutional space, deeming the formation of city-regional space as the expanding network of interactions among actors “who are potentially willing to cooperate” (Sohn et al., 2009, p.925). These two fundamental dimensions, i.e. functional space and institutional space, have been widely acknowledged to constitute to the city-regional space (Sohn et al., 2009; Walther, 2009).For example, Perkmann (2007) has termed the market-driven integration for the formation of functional space on the basis of the “proliferation and/or reactivation of social or economic relationships” and policy-driven integration for the formation of institutional space based on the “cooperative relationships between public and other bodies that share certain interests” (p.862).

从理论上讲，“流动空间”(如劳动力流动、信息流动、资本流动)通过网络分析来刻画城市区域空间已经引起了学者们的极大关注(Hall, 2009)。现在大量的文献记录了城市区域的形成，区分了两个维度。一个强调功能(社会经济)空间，也被称为“功能城市区域”(Hall, 2009, p.804)。功能空间将城市-区域空间的形成视为贸易、资本、人员等社会经济杂流的逐渐强化和综合过程，跨行政边界渗透(Davoudi, 2008;Sohn, Reitel， & Walther, 2009)。第二种是制度空间，认为城市区域空间的形成是“可能愿意合作”的行动者之间不断扩大的互动网络(Sohn et al.， 2009, p.925)。功能空间和制度空间这两个基本维度已被公认为构成城市区域空间（Sohn et al。，2009; Walther，2009）。例如，Perkmann（2007）称市场驱动 在“社会和经济关系的扩散和/或重新激活”的基础上进行整合以形成功能空间，并在“公共与其他拥有某些利益的机构之间的合作关系”的基础上进行政策驱动的整合以形成制度空间 ”（第862页）。